The following oration was delivered by a member of Anti Imperialist Action Ireland to our recent event to mark International Working Women’s Day.
The Life of Helena Molony
Often times, when we think of those who fought and fight for our country’s freedom, we forget the many women who had a role in the nationalist movement in Ireland. One of those names that is often forgotten is Helena Molony
Helena Molony was born in 1883 and died in 1967. She was an actor in the Abbey Theatre in Dublin, but her focus was on her political activism. So much so that it came before even active performances, during “the interval, one night, I went and spoke at an open-air anti-recruiting meeting at Beresford Place – a stone’s throw away. When Irvine heard of it, he flew into a violent rage.”
In 1903, she joined Inghínínhe na h-Éireann, after being inspired by a speech which was given by Maude Gonne, who founded the organisation. Inghínínhe na h-Éireann was an Irish Nationalist Women’s Organisation. It was formed, in Helenas own words “of Irishwomen pledged to fight for the complete separation of Ireland from England, and the re-establishment of her ancient culture. The means decided upon for the achievement of this object was the formation of evening classes for children, for Irish Language, Irish History – Social as well as Political – the restoration of Irish customs to every-day life, Irish games, Dancing and Music.”
An important part of Inghínínhe na h-Éireanns work was their continuous anti recruitment campaign. They would hand out leaflets “addressed to Irish girls appealing to them not to consort with the armed and uniformed enemies of their country, telling them that we were at war with England, and that all our political and social ills were due to her occupation of our country.” Helena describes how many young girls in Ireland were fascinated and mystified by charming young boys in their uniforms and with their British accents, “these young girls had not the faintest idea of the moral, social, or political implications of their association with the “red-coats”.” Helena describes how they distributed these leaflets and the dangers they faced in doing so, “Of course the publication and distribution of these bills was illegal, in fact any statement derogatory to the forces of the Crown was regarded seriously by the authorities. There may be some of these hand-bills in existence, but unfortunately I have not got any, as my dwelling was raided many dozens of times in the following years, and all my belongings scattered from time to time.
The danger of distributing these bills was not only from the Police, but from the troops themselves and their sympathisers A group of us would set out about eight o’clock in the evening and start from the Rotunda Hospital, walking rapidly as far as the Bank of Ireland. We walked in two’s, some twenty or thirty yards apart, and managed in that way to “paper” the whole promenade, before these young people had time to grasp the contents of their hand-bi11. Sometimes the girls thought they were religious tracts, and would display some hostility. The soldiers, when they became aware of this campaign against them, were, of course, offensive and threatening. The leaflets had to be concealed in hand-bags or hand-muffs (which were then worn) and delivered surreptitiously. Any hesitation or delay would lead to a mobbing, and soldiers at that time had the habit of taking off their belts and attacking civilians with them if they thought there was any hostility to them.” Despite the danger and punishment that they could face, these women continued to go out and campaign for the anti-recruitment movement and the need for an Ireland free of Britain and her soldiers.
Molony was also the editor of Inghínínhe na h-Éireann’s magazine “Bean na h-Éireann”, despite not originally wanting to take up the position. Molony describing the magazine said “There was at that date no paper expressing the view of complete separation from England, or the achievement of National freedom by force of arms, if necessary, and of course no woman’s paper at all, except the British “Home Chat” variety of sheet. We had no money, and our sympathisers had very little, so we could not finance it in the ordinary way, and the following plan was suggested to me by a friend (Bulmer Hobson). We circularised a number of people whom we knew to be favourable to an Irish Ireland, asking them to help in the publication of a Woman’s National paper, by subscribing one shilling per month for six months, by which time we hoped to cover our printing bill by our advertisements. The plan succeeded, and “Bean na hEireann” (as we called our little paper) lasted just three years and paid all its debts.”
The creation and publication of the ,magazine attracted more to the movement and radicalised more women, “Its publication brought us many new friends, and brought many into the movement who had previously been outside it, at least outside the “extremist” end of it. One of these was Countess Markievicz, whose first bit of work for us was the design for the title page.” Molony is credited with bringing Markievicz into the revolutionary movement. Describing the contents of the magazine she said, “One cannot help thinking that it was an odd kind of woman’s paper. It was a mixture of guns and chiffon. The National position, and International politics was front page news. But we also had fashion notes (written in the interest of Irish manufactured fabrics), Gardening Notes, written by Countess Markievicz, and a Children’s Corner, with a serial fairy story, anti-recruiting articles (some from Arthur Griffith) and good original poems from Pearse, J. Plunkett, MacDonagh, James Stephens, Maedhbh Cavanagh and Susan Mitchell. It was a funny hotch-potch of blood and. thunder, high thinking, and home-made bread. We were the object of much good-natured chaff. Friendly newsagents would say “Bean na hEireann? that’s the woman’s paper that all the young men buy”. It was well worth all our effort.”
She was also involved in Inghínínhe na h-Éireann’s School Meals for children scheme, “In the National Schools in High Street and John’s Lane (districts which sorely needed such an innovation) we got the sympathy and help of both Managers and Teachers. The cost of this was provided by Inghínídhe. We insisted from the first that a “School Meal” should be a proper dinner, consisting of meat and vegetables every day, except Fridays or fast days when rice (cooked in milk) and jam Was served. The Ladies Committee who ran the Penny Dinners in Meath Street supplied the food (and excellent it always was) in large containers, delivered every school day at the schools. Volunteers from Inghínídhe served it out and did. the washing up afterwards. The meal was good Irish stew made with meat and vegetables, or milk puddings and jam. The teachers. in those schools were splendid. All idea of pauperism was kept out of the scheme, as every child who could pay paid their penny to the teachers (and sometimes it was only a halfpenny) but no one was allowed to know who paid and who did not.”
Molony was also the first woman of her generation to be imprisoned for an act of political activism. It was during a royal visit in 1911 of king George and queen Mary. Molony said “Somewhere on the road to Smithfield from the City, the streets were being repaired, and in neat heaps were conveniently sized broken stones. We thought it a splendid idea to collect quantities of these and distribute them amongst the more ardent of our young men sympathizers.” She goes on the describe the incident that led to her arrest, “To my amazement and deep disappointment not a stone was thrown, although hundreds of our followers from the meeting were walking behind. Some three or four stones remained in my hand-bag (which I never had any intention of using) but passing the corner of Grafton Street an illuminated screen displayed the portraits of King George and Queen Mary smug and benign, looking down on us. It, coupled with the absence of stone-throwing, was too much for me. I produced my stones and let fly, without any warning. The police tried to close in but Madame Markievicz seizing the reins, whipped up the horses, and we reached the top of Grafton Street – where we intended to disperse – in safety. As we descended from the brake a policeman emerged from the darkness and said, “Will I take her now, Sir?” to a nearby Inspector. I was brought to Store Street Police Station, with crowds following. At that time it was terribly humiliating, no one but rowdies went to the police stations. Mr. Cruise O’Brien accompanied our party, and after a fierce quarrel with the local police, got me out on bail. I was subsequently charged at the Police Courts with “Throwing stones, and disorderly conduct”.
Speaking on the Irish Citizen Army and James Connolly (for whom she was secretary to) Molony states that “Connolly – staunch Feminist that he was – was more than anxious to welcome women into the ranks on equal terms with men, and to promote them to such rank and position as they were suited for.” Molony described the 1913 Strike and Dublin Lockout as “a complete rout. Ninety per cent, of the workers of Dublin were swamped in debt, sad many had not a bed to lie on. The only thing left that was not smashed beyond repair was the workers’ spirit, and lucky they were to have a man of Connolly’s stature to lead them. The ideal of National as well as Social freedom, which he held up to them, gave them a spiritual uplift from the material disaster and defeat they had just suffered. A small co-operative store had been established in Liberty Hall by Miss Delia Larkin during the Strike. Miss Larkin had gone back to England when her brother went to America. There was a little shirt-making factory as well as the shop. It specialised in a workman’s shirt, the “Red Hand”, which retailed at 2/6d. The concern gave employment to 8-10 girls, none of whom could get employment as they were “marked men” on account of their strike activities. Eventually they all fought in the Rebellion, and, as far as I know, not one of them is a penny the better for her part in either fight. They served their country without desire or hope of gain or reward. In such manner is the real aristocracy of a country born. James Connolly asked me would I come down and help with the Co-op. and organise the girls as a unit of the Citizen Army, First Aid classes, etc. I gladly did so as it left me free to play at night in the Abbey Theatre. The Co-op. had been started as a Strike emergency measure, but Connolly thought it should be carried on permanently. The property known as Liberty Hall extended up Eden Quay. In one of those, No. 31, the Co-op. shop was carried on, with workrooms upstairs. At the back of this shop there was a well equipped printing office, where the “Workers” Republic” was printed and published. By the way, I am proud to recall that I was (at Mr. Connolly’s request) the registered proprietor of that journal. At the back of the printing works there was a way into the Liberty Hall premises, and other exits. into Old Abbey Street. The whole building was admirably suited for secrecy, rapid movement or defence. Connolly could move at ease into the public offices of the Hall. In a little office at the back of the shop, and leading to the printing works Connolly, after hours, could be free of Union business, but available for private visitors. As Secretary to the Co-op, I was always on hand to identify such callers. Pearse called many times, also Joe Plunkett and Tom MacDonagh. These men were all intimate friends of mine, so it seemed quite natural for me to encourage them to buy socks and ties from us.”
Molony was also an active during the 1916 rebellion with the ICA. As they were about to head off she mentioned how Connolly gave revolvers to the women in the ICA, saying “Don’t use then except in the last resort”.” There were nine girls in their party, going to the Castle. Molony said that “It was a very wise move, It was expected that the psychological effect of attacking Dublin Castle, the citadel of foreign rule for seven hundred years, would be considerable when the news spread through the country. By the way, it was at the Castle that the first shot was fired. I did not know beforehand what was to take place. I did not know to which place I was going. I remember being rather surprised at not going to the G.P.O. with James Connolly.” After failing to get in and take over the Castle, they headed to City Hall. When they arrived at City Hall (having faced no difficulty getting in) Helenas “Idea was to find out where there was a Kitchen, and. where there was a suitable place for a hospital. There was a kitchen upstairs. The building is like a pepper castor set on Cork Hill. In the kitchen we discoverer a large dish of fruit – oranges and apples. I said: “Nobody is to touch these, because there will be wounded probably”. We got ready for the wounded.”
After the intensive firing that occurred in the first hour, Helena “Was busy with food. As things were fairly quiet, the men came up according as they wanted food. There was, apparently, no enemy in sight. We got the shots at odd times. I had noticed the one hitting Connolly fatally, and I foolishly, watched one taking a chip out of the chimney stack. I said to myself then: “I’d better not stand looking at the scenery”. I remember that, because later that night a young officer asked me: “Were you on the roof any time during the day?” I said: “I was – once or twice”. He said: “Yes. I thought I got you one time”.
She also describes the scene of when they were captured, “At this time, the firing was very intense. A window was smashed at the back, and then we knew they were pouring in – and they did come in at the back. A voice said: “Surrender, in the name of the king”. At this point I felt a pluck on arm, and our youngest girl, Annie Norgrove – there are three or four sisters of them – said to me: “Miss Molony, Miss Molony, we are not going to give in? Mr. Connolly said we were not to surrender”. She was terrified, but there was no surrender about her. The call for surrender was repeated: “How many are here? Surrender”. There was no reply. I heard Dr. Lynn quite close, over near the window. She apparently was near them in the circular hall. “Surrender”, was called out again. Then we were taken. They produced lights. They did not know how many were opposing them. I and Dr. Lynn and. Group 3 were on the ground floor; but there were men upstairs, men on the roof, and on the top storey. A large number of the British had poured in through this window. Those of us who were on the ground floor were taken out, one by one, through the window, and we were brought into the Castle, through the Castle grounds, and into Ship Street Barracks, where we were put into a very old, dirty room. After two or three hours, Jinny Shanahan was brought in with all the people who were in the kitchen and top floor. Perhaps the roof men were taken later. Apparently, as Jinny and the other girls told me, the troops poured up the stairs and came in to where the girls were. It would never occur to them, of course, that they were women soldiers. Actually, the women in the Citizen Army were not first – aiders, but did military work, except where it suited them to be first-aiders. Even before the Russian Army had women soldiers, the Citizen Army had them. The British officers thought these girls had been taken prisoner by the rebels. They asked them: “Did they do anything to you? Were they kind to you? how many are up here?” Jinny Shanahan – quick enough – answered: “No, they did not do anything to us. There are hundreds upstairs – big guns and everything”. She invented such a story that they thought there was a garrison up on the roof, with the result that they did delay, and took precautions. It was not until the girls were brought out for safety and, apparently, when they were bringing down some of the men, that one of the lads said: “Hullo, Jinny, are you allright” The officer looked at her, angry at the way he was fooled by this girl. I think that is important, because that may have delayed them, by some hours, from getting to the men on the roof. It was very natural for the British officer to take her story, and to think there were hundreds of men along the roofs of the City Hall and Dame Street, as she told them. I would not blame him for being taken in, when she said: “There are hundreds of them with big guns”. I thought that was something for which Napoleon would have decorated her.” The lie that Jinny had told the British Army men had delayed them by possibly hours from getting to the roof and to the men that were on it. The British Armies assumption that there would be no women soldiers ultimately backfired against them.
Immediately after the rising she, along with the other women, were thrown into the vermin infested barracks. She also commented on how poor the food was. The soldiers told them “”It is bad stuff, but that is what we are getting ourselves”. We were delighted that they were cut off from supplies. They were only getting bully beef. That caused us more joy than anything else.” Even when captured and placed in their barracks, she can at least find joy in any amount of suffering inflicted on the enemy.
Throughout 1917-1921, Molony continued to speak publicly and play her part for the freedom of the Republic. She worked with the Ministry of Justice and was a District Justice in the Rathmines area. She was also an organiser for the Prisoners’ Defence League. Helena would address these meetings and often be asked to participate in many public meetings because, according to her, “I happened to have the misfortune to be able to speak.” Because of this involvement in the public eye, this led to her, and whoever she was close to or stayed with, to be raided constantly.
After the Tan War, Molony became the President of the Irish Trades Union Congress in 1937, and retired from public life in 1946, however she still continued to fight for Women’s labour rights.
Throughout her life, Helena Molony made extraordinary contributions to the Irish Nationalist Movement, the Irish Women’s Movement, and the Labour Movement. Despite her name not being mentioned prominently in any history books, she worked and fought for a Free Ireland, and we should remember her role, and other women’s role, in the nationalist movement.